The relationship between Tanzania and the European Union (EU) has endured for several decades, encompassing trade, development and diplomatic cooperation.
As a Least Developed Country (LDC), Tanzania benefits from preferential access to EU markets through the Everything But Arms (EBA) scheme.
According to the EU’s Director-General for Trade, annual goods trade (exports plus imports) between the EU and Tanzania reached €4 billion in 2023.
The EU remains one of Tanzania’s largest development partners, supporting energy, infrastructure, the digital economy, and e-governance, with millions of euros committed.
Unfortunately, this long-standing relationship suffered a setback last week when the Foreign Affairs and Development Committees of the European Parliament voted to oppose a proposal by the European Commission to allocate €156 million in development funding for Tanzania for 2026.
The objection was prompted by concerns arising from the General Election of October 29 and the tragic events that followed. European institutions place a high premium on democratic governance and human rights.
To restore confidence and ensure the resumption of funding, Tanzania must adopt a strategic, transparent, sincere and proactive approach.
First, the government should engage all stakeholders—political parties, civil society, religious institutions, professional bodies, and others—and recommit to credible democratic reforms.
These include ensuring the independence of the electoral commission and guaranteeing open political competition. Such engagement must be honest, transparent and aimed at ensuring electoral justice for all contestants.
Second, Tanzania must strengthen the protection of human rights. This includes safeguarding media freedom, abolishing oppressive legislation, ensuring the independence of the judiciary and police, ending enforced disappearances, and guaranteeing that civil society organisations can operate and advocate without intimidation.
High-profile gestures—such as releasing an opposition leader detained on what many regard as politically motivated charges—could send positive signals to Brussels that the government is genuinely committed to reform.
Third, the government should, of its own volition, revive the process of drafting a new constitution. President Samia should embrace this as a flagship initiative, ensuring she does not fall victim to conservative forces within her own party, as happened to former President Kikwete.
Although he began the constitutional review process well, the commission was abruptly disbanded in ignominy and the anticipated constitution never materialised.
Should President Samia see the process through to completion, she would redeem her legacy and conclude her term on a high note.
Finally, Tanzania must embrace robust diplomatic engagement. High-level dialogue, joint technical missions and transparent communication on reform timelines would help reassure European partners that Tanzania remains committed to shared values and the responsible management of development resources.
In conclusion, the suspension of EU support represents both a challenge and an opportunity. By addressing governance concerns, strengthening democratic institutions and demonstrating genuine commitment to reform, Tanzania can rebuild trust, restore funding and reinforce its reputation as a stable and reliable development partner.
